Armenian Nationalism and Soil Claims
When the Armenian issue comes up, it is stated by the world public that Turks are not in a position to make objective decisions. Westerners argue that the negative opinion about the Armenians was done only by the Turks. The views and opinions about Turks and Armenians are often revealed in different sources without realizing the opposite.Here the issue of Turkey's geography purpose of carrying out developments in the Caucasus, the nature of the discussion of the Armenian nationalism and nationalism shaped by the "Great Armenia" is to assess the ideal. At the same time, it is important to show that not only Turks but also Georgians have problems in the relations with the Armenians in the Caucasus.
The Armenians have defined two strategies to realize the iki Great Armenia iki ideal. The first is that the Turkish territory, which has nothing to do with the historical homeland of the Armenians, joins Armenia either by occupation or peace. The second is the realization of terrorist activities against the Turkish peoples by making national conflicts.
Armenian Nationalism and Soil Claims
In the historical process, it is seen that the Armenians made efforts for both of them. The uştur Great Armenia State e, ie the land from the sea to the sea, has been the main objective of including the land they want to establish. They chose Turkey as a part of the history of this land and it "fair judgment" as they look. In order to legitimize this idea, they said that the lands in question belonged to the Armenians at the time, and that they wanted to clean the territory and borders of their historical lands from foreign elements and try to create a monoethnic ın Great Armenia tarihi to the whole world (Velizade, Muradov, 1996, pp. 56-58). .
But Russia had plans in the same land and Russia tried to seize the trade route to Central Asia and the Near East to establish its own power in this region. To this end, the Russians benefited from the Armenians in their interest in the Caucasus and in the conquest of the region.
Armenians in general, the political, social and economic status of the Caucasus in general and the Russians gave information about the Russian and contributed to the preparation of the occupation plans. XVII. Since the 19th century, Armenian politicians such as the Israel Ori have played an important role in the establishment and development of Russian-Armenian relations, especially in the increasing interest of Tsar I. Pyotr in the Caucasus, Azerbaijan and the Caspian Sea. XIX. As a result of favorable political conditions in the 20th century, Tsarist Russia benefited from the Armenians in the implementation of meticulous plans for the occupation of the Caucasus and Azerbaijan. He seized the Armenians in a systematic manner and placed them in groups. The Armenian influx of Azerbaijan begins in 1826-1828 (Kerimova, 1995, p. 71).
XIX. Since the end of the century, the Armenians tend to realize their second strategies. The main aim is to establish activities for iler Greater Armenia amaç by establishing ultra-nationalist parties such as lar Tashnaksutyun “.
Since 1890, the Armenian policy of the Russians also changes. The reason for this is the rise of the idea of nationalism among Armenians. The development of nationalist politics leads to the fact that Armenians, if not actually, are seen as potential enemies. In order to eliminate this danger, the Russians resort to the strategy of provoking the Armenians against the Turks of Azerbaijan. This tactic is successful and disputes between the two nations begin. The events of 1905 occurred as a result of the Armenians provoking the people for various reasons. These activities aiming to remove and kill Azerbaijani Turks living in their own lands from the dwellings first begin in Baku and then spread to all regions of Azerbaijan. Actually, the party responsible for all events is the Dashnaksutyun party. The Dashnaks form similar units to the gangs and take the Armenians who migrated from the Ottoman Empire to these units and attack the Turkish villages and make massacres. Azerbaijan Turks did not have an organization to fight them. Azerbaijan Turks who are forced to fight without coordination and unplanned will fail (Kazemzadeh, 1951: 18; Libaridian, 1996, pp. 185-196).
The second phase of the great Armenia ideal covers 1918-1920. The Armenians killed tens of thousands of Azeris in the events of 1918 in the history of Azerbaijan as Azer March Events isel or had Mart Kırgını 18. Baku Commune Baku province is intended to clean the Turks plan is put to taste. In the end, thousands of Turks were killed because of their nationality.
The Armenian intellectuals' dream of kadar Great Armenia “started from Asia Minor to the South Caucasus. They explained the occupation of the land that did not belong to them as "the unification of Armenian-speaking provinces." Accordingly, all Turkish settlements such as Karabakh and Nakhchivan were Armenian lands.
During the Soviet Union, the disagreements between Azerbaijani Turks and Armenians seemed to have softened within the framework of the friendship understanding of the peoples. However, when the Armenians felt the favorable political conditions for them, they did not hesitate to repeat the claims of the land. The last example of this can be seen in the Karabakh War. The activities of Armenians to connect Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia date back to the 1960s. In these years, especially Armenian intellectuals carried out ideological activities. In the late 1980s, Gorbachev's Glasnost and Perestroika policies gave Armenians the opportunity to use armed force and 20% of Azerbaijan's territory was occupied by Armenians. It is possible to see the traces of the idea of istan Greater Armenia de in the relations of Armenians with their neighbor in the region. The Georgians state that the Armenians called their territory the old Armenian provinces and that, along with a large part of Georgia, Tbilisi claimed to belong to the Armenians from ancient times. Another discomfort of the Georgians, who always boasted their history, is the falsification of their history by the Armenians. Ilya Chavchavadze, a Georgian Count, described this distortion in a book he wrote at the beginning of the 20th century, the Armenian Scholars and the Echo of Stones. According to this, Armenian scholars tried to prove that they belonged to the Armenians by scraping the old writings from the walls of historical works and putting their own inscriptions in their place; the stones were bellow in the face of this abuse (Çavçavadze, 1902 / Baku, 1990, pp. 19-28). In fact, the policy of the ular peoples' friendship. Of the Soviet regime had eliminated the controversial issues between the Georgians and the Armenians. There was also a rapprochement between the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the two peoples in the struggle for independence. But this did not last long. First, there were debates about which country Samshe-Cavaheti belonged. Later, Georgia's struggle against Abkhazia and the çı Bagramyan Regiment ret composed of Armenians against Georgians, as well as the anti-Georgian and separatist writings of the newspaper Cavahk published in Ahalkalaki caused Georgia to approach the issue differently.
In Georgia, Armenians, the second most populous ethnic group after Georgians, live mainly in Tbilisi and Cavaheti, a state in the southern part of the country, where they account for 90% of the population. During the disintegration process of the USSR, there was a general chaos in Georgia and some political organizations in Tbilisi and Jawakheti were seen as mobility. Since 2000, Georgia, Abkhazia and South Ossetia have not had any radical movements in Cavaheti.
The Armenians in Jawaheti first emerged in 1997 with the demand of the muhtar. Developments in the region are similar to the development of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem. The iştir Cavahk People's Movement î, which was founded by the Armenian clergymen for cultural purposes in 1988, was directed to cooperate with the military circles in Russia and Armenia after the passage of the Caspian oil pipeline from Georgia. Georgia is still not able to handle the Armenian problem in Jawaheti today. Georgia is the most important strategic ally of Azerbaijan. This issue is of great importance for Azerbaijan, which is engaged in war with Armenia.
Separation activities continue in Samshe-Cavaheti where Armenians live. Radical forces are protesting in various places, demanding separation from Georgia and gaining high status citizenship. It is obvious that these movements occurred with the direct support of Armenia. A second esi Miatsum m (cohabitation with Armenia) of the Armenian clans in Georgia has made it possible to create favorable conditions for new disputes. (Emil, 2003; ey The Armenians of Cavahetiya Ask for Political Mukhtars in Tbilisi,, 2003)
Tashnaksutyun has chosen the path of armed struggle rather than ideological activity in the realization of yol Great Armenia Taş. The party's main emphasis is on territorial claims on neighboring countries. The program and target of Dashnaksutyun, one of the three important parties represented in Armenia, is a reflection of the general understanding in Armenia. 1915 Armenian genocide, Kars and Ardahan from Turkey to Armenia on 7 regions of Azerbaijan in Nagorno-Karabakh be left, giving Javakheti autonomy has become the party's main goals.
Iran-Armenia relations are developing in all areas today. In the 2000s, Armenia and the West and Iran provided fuel and food aid to Armenia. Some circles state that Iran's assistance and support to Armenia is aimed at preventing territorial claims that may be directed to it. On the other hand, Iran is trying to make Armenia dependent on itself in every way (Turgut, 2004b). However, it would not be surprising to wait for Armenia to demand land from Iran after settling its problems in the future.
As a result, world security and international terrorism are at a crossroads, and billions of dollars of investments in the Caspian energy resources are on the agenda. However, while the discussions on the security and peace in the South Caucasus are discussed and what measures will be taken, the fact that Armenia is still present in the region with the issue of genocide and territorial claims confirms that this country will hamper the peace and security of the region.
references
Chavchavadze, Ilya (1990), Armyanskie tiponiye i vopiyushchie kamni, Tbilisi 1902 / Baku
Emil, eti Georgian Second Garabağ Problem Can Compete with ab, Events Seyet, www. 10, 2003 Yanvar 2003.
Kazemzadeh, Firuz (1951), The Struggle for Transcaucasia, New York
Kerimova, S. (1995), The Role of Armenian Politicians in the Occupation of Czarism in Azerbaijan and in the Politics of Indictment, Bakı
Libaridian, G. J., Sun Revolution and Liberation in the 1892 and 1907 Programs of the Dasnaksutyun and, (by G. G. Suny), Transcaucasia, p. 185-196.
Turgut, Emir (2004), Olay The Armenian Claims of Iran Erazi Ola Biler in, Events, www.olaylar.net.
Turgut, Emir (2004), ”Iran Supports Armenia“, Events, www.olaylar.net
Velizade, İ. - Muradov, B. (1996), The genocide of Armenian Azerbaijanis, Baku [: en]
Chavchavadze, Ilya (1990), Armyanskie tiponiye i vopiyushchie kamni, Tbilisi 1902 / Baku
Emil, eti Georgian Second Garabağ Problem Can Compete with ab, Events Seyet, www. 10, 2003 Yanvar 2003.
Kazemzadeh, Firuz (1951), The Struggle for Transcaucasia, New York
Kerimova, S. (1995), The Role of Armenian Politicians in the Occupation of Czarism in Azerbaijan and in the Politics of Indictment, Bakı
Libaridian, G. J., Sun Revolution and Liberation in the 1892 and 1907 Programs of the Dasnaksutyun and, (by G. G. Suny), Transcaucasia, p. 185-196.
Turgut, Emir (2004), Olay The Armenian Claims of Iran Erazi Ola Biler in, Events, www.olaylar.net.
Turgut, Emir (2004), ”Iran Supports Armenia“, Events, www.olaylar.net
Velizade, İ. - Muradov, B. (1996), Armenia's genocide of Azerbaijanis, Baku
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